John Jay Papers

Notes on John Jay’s Conference with Floridablanca, 5 July 1780

Notes on John Jay’s Conference with Floridablanca

[Madrid, July 5 1780.]

Mr. Jay waited on the Count de Florida Blanca agreeable to an appointment; made by the latter to meet at his House at half-past eight this Evening.1

After the usual compliments, the bad News relative to the surrender of Charleston, just received, became the Topic of conversation.2 The Count mentioned the Channels through which he had received it, vizt: By an express despatched by the Spanish Ambassador at Lisbon, in consequence of Intelligence which Governor Johnson had received and published in that City, and by Letters from the Count De Aranda, with the accounts printed at London of the Affair— He expressed his Sorrow on the occasion, but observed that the Count De Aranda, flattered him that the arrival of the Chevailer de Ternay in that Part of the World would totally change the Face of Affairs,3 particularly as there would be eight Vessels of the Line, and more than five thousand Troops instead of three thousand and three Vessels of the Line which he had been informed were demanded by General Washington.

He seemed to think it strange that the place had not been better defended, and that more vigourous measures had not been taken to impede the Enemy’s progress, and observed that, if the Town was not in a condition to stand a Siege; it would have been better to have withdrawn the Troops and Stores, and reserved them for the defence of the Country.4 Mr. Jay replied that, probably, when all circumstances relative to this Affair were known, there might be reasons which would account for the conduct of the Americans on this Occasion; to the Truth of which remark the Count appeared to assent. He then mentioned the death of Mr. Miralles, and regretted his loss at this time.5 He said he had recommended to his Majesty a Person to succeed him, whom we knew, that spoke English whom he expected soon, and to whom he would explain his Ideas on the Subject of the Bills, and on other matters, touching which Mr. Jay had written to him, and who would confer also with Mr. Jay on those Subjects.6

Mr. Jay mentioned that if it was agreeable to his Excellency to permit Mr. Del Campo (a confidential Secretary of the Count, who speaks English, and who translated all the Letters to and from the Count) to be present, he should be able to explain his Sentiments more fully and clearly. Though the Count did not object to this proposal, he appeared disinclined to it, and said that with the Assistance of Mr. Carmichael then present, they could understand each other very well.7 He then proceeded to speak of the Bills of exchange, in the possession of the Mesrs. Joyce, and seemed to be surprised that that House should be possessed of so many of them. He advised Mr. Jay to be cautious of those Gentlemen, saying, that they were as much English in their Hearts as the Ministry of that Country—that he had known them long, that he thought their conduct extraordinary in being so urgent for the acceptance of these Bills. Mr. Jay then informed his Excellency that he had paid those Gentlemen a Visit in order to obtain further Time, and that they had consented to wait until Monday next. The Count mentioned a fortnight or three weeks as necessary in order that he might have an opportunity of seeing the Person he had sent for, and making some arrangements with him.8 He said that it would be more agreeable to His Majesty to pay those Bills at Cadis, Bilboa, or Amsterdam than here; lamented the precipitancy with which Congress had entered into this measure, saying that, if they had previously addressed the King on the Subject, ways and means might have been found, either to transport from their Possessions in America, Specie for the service of Congress,9 or to have enabled them to have drawn Bills of Exchange at a shorter sight, which would have prevented the loss of one third of the Money to which Congress had subjected themselves by the terms on which the present Bills were Sold. Mr. Jay assured His Excellency that by Letters he had received from America, from Members of Congress and others, he was informed that the Terms were judged so unfavourable to the Buyer, that the Bills drawn on him sold heavily, from that circumstance solely, and not from any doubt of their Credit, and Payment— This did not however appear to convince his Excellency who spoke much of the deranged state of our Finances and Credit; of the advantages taken of Congress by Merchants and others, who availed themselves of that circumstance, which he called cruel Extortions, frequently expressing the King’s wishes and his own to render America all the Service in their power in this Crisis of their Affairs; but observed that it was impossible to obtain much Money in Europe, while France, England and Spain were making use of every resource to obtain it for the enormous Expenses of the War, and while the Channel through which the European merchants received Supplies of Specie was stopped Vizt the arrival of the usual quantity from America— This induced him to mention the arrival at Cadiz of 3,000,000 of Piastres, all of which was on account of the Merchants, and again to dwell on what he had before said of the Possibility of transmitting Specie to the States, from the Spanish Possessions abroad, and of the Effect that this would have in reestablishing the credit of our Money. Mr. Jay observed in Reply that if a Supply of Specie could be sent to America, and His Excellency thought that measure more convenient and advisable than Bills, the Congress would in his opinion readily suspend drawing on receiving that information, to which the Count answered that when the Person he had sent for arrived, this matter might be further discussed.10

Mr. Jay then proceeded to observe that by Papers which he had transmitted to His Excellency11 he would see that Congress had adopted a System to redeem and destroy the former emissions, and to emit other Bills to be paid in Europe with Interest in a certain term of years, and in fully establishing this System it would be probably in their Power, not only to sustain the Credit of their Money, but to contribute in some measure to assist Spain in the way proposed by his Excellency Vizt. in building of Frigates, &c. &c. He added that as his Majesty’s Treasure was detained in America, and as much Expense would be incurred by the armaments employed by Spain there, that Bills on the Havannah in favor of the United States might be more convenient to Spain, and equally contribute to the End proposed— The Count did not seem to disapprove of the Idea, but did not enlarge upon it— He asked Mr. Jay if America could not furnish Spain with Masts and Ship Timber— Mr. Jay replied that those articles might be obtained there— The Count then said that he would defer further Remarks on this Head, ’till the arrival of the Person whom he expected would succeed Mr. Miralles, and appeared desirous of leaving this Subject, and indeed, all other matters relative to American affairs, to be discussed when he came.

In the further course of conversation, he recurred to the Subject of the Bills in question, and told Mr. Jay if an immediate acceptance of them was insisted on, that he might accept them payable at Bilboa, but rather seemed to wish that [their] acceptance might be delayed ’till the coming of the abovementioned Person— Mr. Jay expatiated on the impression which the acceptance of these Bills and every other mark of friendship would make in America at this particular Crisis, and the Count in a very feeling and warm manner assured him that his desire to serve the States increased in consequence of their distresses— By his whole conversation he endeavoured to Shew; how much he interested himself in the Prosperity of our Affairs—more than once desiring Mr. Jay not to be discouraged, for that with Time and Patience all would go well, expatiating on the King’s character, his Religious observation of, and adherence to, his promises, and his own desire of having Mr. Jay’s entire Confidence— Mr. Jay seized this opportunity of assuring him of his full reliance on the King’s Justice and honor; and his particular and entire confidence in his Excellency, asserting to him that all his Letters to Congress breathed these Sentiments. The Count appeared much pleased with this declaration, and seeming to speak without reserve, hinted his hopes that the combined Fleets would soon be in condition to give the Law to that of England in the Seas of Europe, repeating that measures would be taken on the arrival of the Person expected, to provide for the payment of the Bills of Exchange, and that other Arrangements would be made with the same person, which would contribute to relieve as much as it was in His Majesty’s power the present distresses of America, of which he frequently spoke very feelingly in the course of this Conversation

Mr. Jay reminded his Excellency in a delicate manner of the Supplies of Clothing, &c. &c. which had been promised in a former Conference,12 and said that if they could be sent in Autumn, they would be essentially useful. The Count assured him that measures would be taken for this purpose, with the Person so often hinted at in the course of the Conference, that probably these Goods would be embarked from Bilboa, as every thing was so dear at Cadis. He also once more told Mr. Jay that at all events he might accept the Bills presented by Messrs Joyce payable at Bilboa though he appeared to wish that this measure might be delayed for a fortnight if possible. The Conference ended with compliments and assurances on the one part, and other— The Count endeavouring to persuade Mr Jay of his Majesty’s desire to assist the States, and Mr. Jay assuring him of his reliance on His Excellency and of the good Effect which such proofs of his Majesty’s friendship would have in America at the present Juncture.13

In this Conference not a single Nail would drive.14 Every thing was to be postponed till the arrival of the Person intended to succeed Mr. Miralles.15

LbkCs, embedded in JJ to the President of Congress, 6 Nov., below, DNA: PCC, item 110, 1: 236–45; NNC: JJ Lbk. 1; CSmH.

1See Floridablanca to JJ, 4 July, RC, NNC (EJ: 8251).

2JJ later commented that the effect of this news on Floridablanca “was as visible the next day as that of a hard night’s frost on young Leaves.” See JJ to the President of Congress, 6 Nov., below. For Charles Thomson’s explanation of the surrender, see the Secretary of Congress to JJ, 12 Oct., below.

3For views on the impact of the fall of Charleston to the British on 12 May, see Bingham to JJ, 1 July, above; John de Neufville & Son to JJ, 13 July; Carmichael to JJ, 14 Aug.; JJ to the President of Congress, 6 Nov.; and JJ to Schuyler, 25 Nov., below. London newspapers announced the victory on 16 June. PBF description begins William B. Willcox et al., eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin (39 vols. to date; New Haven, Conn., 1959–) description ends , 32: lx. On Ternay, see the notes to Carmichael to JJ, 25 May, above.

4On the capture of Charleston, see David B. Mattern, Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution (Columbia, S.C., 1995), 88–109; and Syrett, Royal Navy in American Waters description begins David Syrett, The Royal Navy in American Waters, 1775–1783 (Aldershot, Hants, U.K., 1989) description ends , 135–40. Syrettargues that the American commander, Major General Benjamin Lincoln, did not understand the dangers of his situation. Mattern provides an explanation of Lincoln’s behavior that largely exonerates him.

5On the death of Juan de Miralles on 25 Apr. 1780, on the significance of his reports to the Spanish government, and on JJ’s esteem for him, see Cummins, Spanish Observers description begins Light Townshend Cummins, Spanish Observers and the American Revolution, 1775–1783 (Baton Rouge, La., 1992) description ends , 160–63.

6The person was Diego de Gardoqui, whose Bilbao firm had been the channel for Spanish aid to the United States. Montmorin was aware of his identity by 17 July. Floridablanca assiduously avoided any suggestion that the appointment would confer official status, as evidenced by his reluctance to identify “the Person” or to indicate that he had arrived at San Ildefonso about 10 Aug. The primary purpose of Gardoqui’s trip to Madrid may have been to assist Cabarrús in raising funds to meet the Crown’s financial needs, on which see the notes to JJ to Floridablanca, 11 Dec., below.

The ambiguity of Gardoqui’s status was again displayed when, several weeks after their first meeting, JJ had to insist that Gardoqui sign the letter he had written to JJ on 15 Sept. JJ and Carmichael continued to presume, however, that Gardoqui would be sent to the United States in the near future. Spain’s continuing financial difficulties, which occasioned Cabarrús’s absence from Spain for an extended period in 1781, may have constituted one of the reasons why he did not depart. Gardoqui began to function as Floridablanca’s representative in discussions related to the bills of exchange and treaty negotiations in September 1780. See Carmichael to JJ, 10–11 Aug., NNC (EJ: 7542); Account of John Jay’s Conferences with Diego de Gardoqui and Bernardo del Campo, 3–4 Sept.; and Gardoqui to JJ, 15 Sept. 1780, below; JJ to Deane, 10 Mar. 1781, below, in which JJ indicated he was not yet at liberty to identify the “person”; Montmorin to Vergennes, 17 July 1780, FrPMAE, CP-E, 599: 464v; and Cummins, Spanish Observers description begins Light Townshend Cummins, Spanish Observers and the American Revolution, 1775–1783 (Baton Rouge, La., 1992) description ends , 140. On Gardoqui’s prior dealings with Arthur Lee, see Potts, Arthur Lee description begins Louis W. Potts, Arthur Lee: A Virtuous Revolutionary (Baton Rouge, La., 1981) description ends , 169–72.

Carmichael noted in his letter of 28 Nov. 1780 to the Committee for Foreign Affairs that Gardoqui, who had “been named near five months, is still here.” The “detention,” he added, was “one reason, among many others, which makes me fear the court has not taken a decided part for the next year, although the last declaration of the ministers on this subject were clear and positive.” On 19 Dec., he offered his opinion that Gardoqui would not leave for America while there was any prospect of a negotiated settlement between Spain and Britain. JJ continued to press Floridablanca to dispatch him and reported in May 1781 that Gardoqui, “it is said, will set out in June.” JJ subsequently learned, however, that Floridablanca had intercepted Congress’s instruction to JJ to inform Spain that it would not insist that Spain recognize the United States’ claim to navigate the Mississippi by right (see the President of Congress to JJ, 15 Feb. 1781, below). When JJ did not offer to cede this point, Floridablanca postponed Gardoqui’s departure indefinitely. It was not until 1784, after Spain recognized American independence, that he appointed Gardoqui chargé d’affaires to the United States. He did not arrive on American soil until 1785. See JJ to the President of Congress, 29 May and 3 Oct. 1781, and to Floridablanca, 2 Mar. 1782, all below; RDC description begins Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1889) description ends , 4: 167, 198, 244, 461.

Miralles had been appointed as observer by José de Gálvez, minister of the Indies, not by Floridablanca. In October 1780, Gálvez formally appointed Francisco Rendón, Miralles’s secretary, to succeed him as unofficial observer but instructed him to exercise no other functions unless specifically charged with them. In these cases, Rendón was ordered to coordinate his activities with La Luzerne, the French minister. See PRM description begins E. James Ferguson et al., eds., The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781–1784 (9 vols.; Pittsburgh, Pa., 1973–99) description ends , 1: 270–75; Cummins, Spanish Observers description begins Light Townshend Cummins, Spanish Observers and the American Revolution, 1775–1783 (Baton Rouge, La., 1992) description ends , 167; and Kline, “Gouverneur Morris,” description begins Mary-Jo Kline, “Gouverneur Morris and the New Nation, 1775–1788” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1970) description ends 228–35. Floridablanca’s description of Gardoqui as successor to Miralles clearly led JJ and Carmichael to conclude that Gardoqui would confer with them but be sent to America soon thereafter.

7This statement suggests that Floridablanca conducted his discussions with JJ in French; on 5 Nov., Carmichael informed BF that Floridablanca did not know that he understood Spanish. See PBF description begins William B. Willcox et al., eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin (39 vols. to date; New Haven, Conn., 1959–) description ends , 33: 498–99.

8On the Joyce bills, see JJ to Floridablanca, 28 June (first letter), above.

9On the Crown’s dependence on silver from Mexico, see Carlos Marichal and Matilde Souto Mantecon, “Silver and Situados: New Spain and the Financing of the Spanish Empire in the Caribbean in the Eighteenth Century,” Hispanic American Historical Review 74 (November 1994): 606–13. For Robert Morris’s attempts to obtain financial aid from Spain through Havana, see his letter to JJ of 4 July 1781, below.

11See JJ to Floridablanca, 28 June (second letter), above.

13In his dispatch of 12 July, Montmorin reported that JJ had permission to accept bills presented to date, and that Floridablanca was endeavoring to enable JJ to accept bills to the total of 100,000 livres. He expressed confidence that this would have an excellent effect in America. FrPMAE; CP-E, 599: 451r–452v.

14Montmorin reported that there had been no substantive discussion about anything except covering the bills, which JJ had been authorized to accept up to a “mediocre” sum, but he considered this an implied commitment to cover the remainder. He noted, however, that no progress at all had been made in JJ’s “principal negotiation” and that Spain’s tactic would be to dispense a bit of aid from time to time and do little more. He believed JJ, whom he considered a man of extremely keen understanding, was well aware of Spain’s attitude with regard to American independence. He indicated that he was endeavoring to dissipate any alarm JJ might feel about the Cumberland negotiations and to impress on Floridablanca the likelihood that knowledge about them would cause Congress and the American people to believe that Spain had little concern for the United States. He stressed that this disillusionment would work to the advantage of the British. He noted further that he had used the capture of Charleston by the British to arouse a bit more interest in the Americans on the part of Floridablanca, and that he had encouraged JJ to be more confident in his discussions with the Spanish minister. He considered that although things had not progressed to the degree he would have liked, relations between JJ and Floridablanca had improved, and that JJ had credited him with the improvement. He described JJ as previously extremely reserved with him but now more confident, probably because of the little favor he had found elsewhere in Spain. See Montmorin to Vergennes, 17 July 1780, FrPMAE: CP-E, 599: 462r–465v.

15In his letter to the Committee for Foreign Affairs of 22 Aug. 1780, Carmichael noted that Spain’s finances were “by no means so flourishing as Congress had reason to suppose.” He affirmed that in “most of the conferences with the minister the scarcity of cash had been objected more than the want of inclination” and that hints had been given that it would be much more convenient for the court to send aid to the United States from its American possessions than from Europe. He advised Congress to “judge of the propriety” of disposing of any bills still unsold until they had been informed they would be paid. In a postscript of 6 Sept. to a copy of his 22 Aug. letter, Carmichael added that Gardoqui had been identified as the contact person and that some bills had been accepted since his arrival, but that nothing decisive had been done, the Mississippi being the “sole obstacle.” See RDC description begins Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1889) description ends , 4: 38–40, 51.

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