James Madison Papers

To James Madison from Robert R. Livingston, 22 March 1807

From Robert R. Livingston

ClerMont 22d March 1807

Dear Sir

Knowing your engagments during the session of Congress, I have not thought it proper to break in upon your time by an earlier answer to your favor of the 28 Jany. The enclosed note you will have the goodness to read, & deliver to the auditor, as it contains the only explanation I can a⟨t⟩ present give to his enquiries.1 I sincerly congratulate you upon the total defeat of Mr. Burrs plans, for tho I can not determine, from the evidence before the public, what they were, yet his desperate situation & his unbounded ambition leave no room to doubt their dangerous tendency. I know him to be extreamly sanguine & the dupe on every occasion to his own vanity, still I can not think that he would have proceeded the lingths he did without having had reason to hope for support from our army. What infatuation could have induced him to write with the confidence he did to Genl Wilkinson, or to betray to him his friends Bolman & Swarthout? What folly lead him to write in cypher without having previously settled a key? And by what means has his letter been decyphered? These are enigma’s which I can not unriddle.2 I some what fear that the violent measures pursued at New Orleans may afford a handle to those who are already indisposed toward us in France, tho I know they are susseptible of a favourable explanation, which should be given as early as possible. I am sorrey for the slow progress of your negotiations with Spain & France, since I feel, for the reasons I have hinted, an uncommon anxiety for their success. The policy, or impolicy of a rupture, upon which you seem to rely, weigh little where every thing depends upon the will of one man, & that man, neither free from pride or passion. Very different strings than those of reason or justice must be touched in negotiating with arbitrary sovereigns. It is highly important to us not only on account of our domestick arrangments, but on account of the continued encrease of the power of France, that this negotiation should be pushed with vigour, & brought to some issue before the world is at her feet. I sincerly believe that England will not much longer be a barrier to this event. Russia will, in a few months, loose her southern provinces, & be compelled to make an inglorious peace. Persia & the porte will afford an easy access to the east Indias, & the vitals of british power be destroyed, even if they are not assaulted more directly at home. Such temptations may also be held out to Austria, by France, as I think her virtue or gratitude will not be sufficiently strong to resist.3 All these reasons urge forcibly the policy (I had almost said the necessity) of keeping well with France, & giving her as little pretence as possible to interfere in our affairs, except when we are assured that her interposition will be favourable.

For these reasons, I rejoice at the decision of the president with respect to the british treaty, if it has the features it is said to possess. Knowing personally most of the members of the present administration & some of them intimately, I had hoped from the liberality of the sentiments they professed with respect to us, that a treaty might have been made which would have answered our purposes, without giving cause of alarm to France, but objects do not always present the same appearance to those who view them from different hights. I am at present an idle man, if the president should think that I could be of any use for a few months in France or Holland [(]not as a permanent but as a special Envoy) I am at his command. A commission might be given which I should produce or not as circumstances should render adviseable. The expence would be no object with me, & might be limmited as the president thought proper.4 My knowledge of what has passed, & the degree of favour in which I stand with the royal family, might, I think, enable me to be useful. But perhaps I deceive myself. If the president should think so, I pray that this communication be considered as perfectly confidential, & not viewed as a personal application, or as any thing more than a wish to employ myself usefully for a few months, & to lend my aid in removing the cloud, which throws a dark shade upon one of the fairest pages in the history of the Presidents administration.

This state is at present agitated by preparations for an election, which will, if I am not greatly mistaken, put a final period to the power of a man, who without the half of his talents, has all the ambition & intrigue of Burr, & as little delicacy in means he employs to attain his object.5 The federalists exult in our divissions, but their violence and intemperance, will for ever keep them out of power. I remain with sentiments of the deepest respect & essteem Dear Sir Your Most Obt hum: Servt

Robt R Livingston

RC (DLC); draft (NHi: Livingston Papers). Enclosure not found.

1The draft has “my books & vouchers being in his office” inserted here.

2In the draft, Livingston interlined this sentence above a canceled portion that reads: “I am extremly sorrey for violences of Genl Wilkenson they have given a severe blow to our national character, & the rather as the president had placed this bussiness upon its true ground in his messages to Congress, by informing them, that there was no cause for alarm as to its final issue, & yet our Genl, at the head of our whole military force, was so panick struck as to throw the country into confusion, & trample upon its laws & the rights of its Citizens without the smallest necessity.”

3The draft has “, & I shall not be at all surprized if she shares in the spoils of Prusia & Russia” inserted after “resist.”

4The draft has “the most I should look to would be my actual expence or the salary, for the time I was employed” in place of the portion of the sentence after “me.”

5Livingston referred to New York governor Morgan Lewis (Dangerfield, Chancellor Robert R. Livingston, 400–402).

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